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Fig1. Design principles of The Line.
The Vision 2030 initiative is being equally well promoted within the country through a multitude of projects of varying scales. Here, the focus is on improving the quality of life for Saudi citizens, with the specific goal of launching three Saudi cities—including Riyadh and Jeddah—into the ranks of the top 100 cities globally for quality of life.
Fig.2. Portrait of Mohammed bin Salman with the Vision 2030 logo on the streets of Riyadh
These projects are gradually taking shape, often in the middle of the desert, in a country grappling with the severe effects of climate change. With increasingly extreme temperatures and ongoing water scarcity, the stakes are high. Saudi Arabia appears to have acknowledged these challenges, setting an ambitious target of "net zero emissions" by 2060. This represents a monumental task for a nation that consistently ranks among the top ten global emitters of carbon dioxide per capita.
It is within this context that the Mobile Lives Forum began to study mobility in the oil kingdom. The investigation began by analysing ongoing projects, evaluating their relevance to sustainable mobility and their impact on shifts in travel habits, particularly automobile use. The study was then broadened to examine more systemic lifestyle transformations accompanying economic and societal reforms, all viewed through the lens of mobility. Special attention was given to citizens' perceptions of these changes, especially public transportation projects and their effects on the use of urban spaces across different social groups. Another key focus was how "local living" is being integrated within these projects. Finally, we examined the strategies being developed to adapt to extreme climatic conditions, particularly in light of global environmental changes.
To address these questions, the Mobile Lives Forum organized a study trip in late April 2024, in order to engage with researchers and mobility professionals. Preliminary bibliographic research revealed a notable lack of studies on everyday mobility in Saudi Arabia, apart from numerous works on traffic and road safety, and it also enabled us to identify key researchers and institutions to engage with.
Three cities of varying sizes were chosen as research sites for their dynamic mobility transformations: Riyadh, Dammam, and AlUla.
The research focused on daily mobility, deliberately excluding religious pilgrimages. Brief, one-day visits to Medina, Mecca, and Jeddah offered a general overview of these major cities but no formal meetings about these took place.
Fig. 3. View of Riyadh
DAMMAM
Dammam, Saudi Arabia’s industrial hub and its second-largest oil port, is the country’s fifth-largest city, with a population exceeding 900,000. Its close proximity to Bahrain generates significant daily traffic flows, mainly as daily commutes to the city. Damman covers a vast area but has a relatively low population density. While Dammam's public transport network is still in the planning phase, some bus services are already operational. Entire neighborhoods are currently under construction or are being reonovated, with plans to integrate them into future transport networks, reduce the reliance on cars, and promote active modes of transportation.
Fig. 4. View of a street in Dammam
ALULA
AlUla, a mid-sized city with a population of 50,000, is Saudi Arabia's primary tourist destination (excluding pilgrimage sites), attracting 200,000 visitors annually, primarily from the Gulf states. The city’s goal is to increase this number to two million visitors per year—local and international—by transforming AlUla into a luxury tourist destination. To support this growth, the city plans to triple its population to 150,000 over the next decade and establish itself as a regional capital. AlUla is notable for its commitment to developing a comprehensive transportation network for both residents and tourists. This includes buses, trams, cycle paths, limited car use, and autonomous shuttles.
Fig.5. View of the old town and the palm grove of AlUla.
Fig 6. Car cult in the streets of Riyadh. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
The mobility system in Saudi Arabia is evolving alongside broader social and economic changes. Efforts to prepare for a post-oil economy by creating a "modern" economic framework include reducing subsidies and introducing value-added taxes (VAT). As a result, fuel prices have been rising since 2018, as has the cost of certain vehicles.
These economic shifts, combined with profound societal changes and significant investments in public transport, public spaces, and infrastructure projects, are driving radical changes in the travel behaviors and lifestyles of Saudi men and women.
Fig. 7. Territorial development plan 2030. (IPR, 2021).
To achieve these goals, Saudi Arabia is embracing economic openness to the international market. This strategic shift is accompanied by significant social and economic reforms, including closer ties with Northern countries, a radical overhaul of the social norms for governing the nation, notably through improved women's rights, the privatization of various sectors, and opening the country to international tourists. Central to this vision is the call for Saudi citizens to actively participate in the evolving economy through employment-focused initiatives. "Saudization," or Nitakat in Arabic, is a strategy aimed at reducing unemployment in a workforce where foreigners make up 41% of the population. Under this policy, companies—both Saudi and foreign—are incentivized to meet specific quotas for employing Saudis. The higher the percentage of Saudi nationals in the workforce, the greater the benefits for the company.
Among all the societal and territorial changes, Saudization is perhaps the most likely to rapidly influence mobility, particularly in terms of automobile usage. This transformation is already evident, notably in the increasing participation of women in the workforce, in a context where public transport use was previously minimal or nonexistent. Changes in family structures and employment dynamics have coincided with two landmark events: in 2018 women were given the right to drive, and foreign workers are now subject to higher taxes. A tax of 400 rials is levied on each dependent in a foreign worker’s household each month. This has made it harder to employ private drivers, accelerating shifts in mobility practices.
Even before the introduction of the tax, not all Saudis could afford private drivers, and many work as chauffeurs themselves. This came across in interviews with more than 30 Uber drivers during the study trip. Over 90% of them were Saudis, unlike in traditional taxi companies that predominantly employ foreign drivers. When asked about their motivations, most drivers spoke of their enjoyment of meeting new people, followed by the benefit of a supplementary income. Many Uber drivers also have other jobs —for example, a driver named Saoud is a school principal. Uber’s presence in Saudi Arabia has grown steadily, with over 530,000 trips recorded between its launch in 2014 and 2021. Similarly, delivery companies are experiencing rapid growth, fueled by the increasing popularity of online shopping and digital payments. Some campus universities, such as King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals (KFUPM) in Dhahran, have even developed their own internal ordering and delivery applications.
Fig. 8. KFUPM delivery service. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
Fig. 9. Delivery services in Riyadh. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
The complete digitalization of administrative services has significantly reduced the need for "bureaucratic" travel, according to Professor Ratrout of KFUPM. Administrative documents are now fully digital or are delivered to homes. While this has certainly reduced the physical movement of people, it has likely increased deliveries and the flow of goods, as well as the precarity of certain segments of the population, as observed elsewhere1.
In Riyadh, most drivers we interviewed lived in the southern districts and often came from other regions of Saudi Arabia or neighboring countries. This points to the emergence of a distinct social geography within Saudi cities. However, the issue of socio-spatial segregation is rarely, if ever, addressed in major projects and remains largely taboo. The residential areas of immigrant workers, for instance, are invisible in urban planning discourse and, to our knowledge, no official communication addresses this sensitive topic. In The Line project, which prides itself on being a visionary development, we were unable to obtain concrete details about where the workers who will sustain the city will live. But we did learn that, on construction sites, there is already a marked separation between the camps of laborers and those of Saudi or foreign managers. These socio-spatial dynamics inevitably raise critical questions about mobility, accessibility, and equal opportunities. They are deeply tied to the effects of Saudization and its broader systemic impact on Saudi society.
Fig. 10. Road safety awareness magazine “Drive and Survive”, produced by ARAMCO to “instill the culture of safety in the population”. Source: ARAMCO Museum, Dammam. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
The shift to electric vehicles remains challenging in Saudi Arabia. Charging infrastructure is still in its infancy and gasoline costs less than 2 SAR (50 cents) per liter. Yet public transport seems poised to gain a foothold. This shift is closely tied to the overarching goal of improving quality of life, a key driver behind the ongoing transformations. Improving public spaces and expanding public transport services are central in this effort. The lifestyle changes brought about by "Saudization" are likely to increase the volume of trips, many of which could be done using the alternative modes of transport currently being developed.
Monumental investments are set to transition cities from being car dominated, to offering a viable, multimodal system. However, this transformation is starting from almost nothing. Public transport currently accounts for just 1–2% of the modal share and is primarily used by foreign workers via company-chartered buses. In the three cities studied, there were no formal bus networks until recently, let alone metro systems, trams, or pedestrian-friendly sidewalks.
While not directly challenging the dominance of cars, the kingdom is making substantial investments in creating a diverse range of mobility options. The strategy, as promoted by some stakeholders, is to establish a visible presence of public transport in urban spaces. This includes offering high-quality services that provide added value compared to individual car use, whether in terms of cost or travel time, and encouraging their adoption through personal experimentation. The redistribution of public space and a potential reduction in cars may only emerge in later stages of this process.
Fig. 11. First bus lines and stops along Olaya Street, Riyadh. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
Fig. 12. Iconic King Abdullah Financial District (KAFD) station designed by Zaha Hadid. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
In terms of achieving a modal shift, authorities aim to attract 1.2 million daily passengers to the metro system, rising to 1.7 million when accounting for those also using the supporting bus network. According to the Royal Commission for Riyadh City (RCRC), at capacity the network has the potential to accommodate up to 3.6 million daily trips. The overarching goal is to reduce the number of cars on Riyadh's streets. The integrated network will connect passengers to airports, public services, major universities, and Riyadh East train station.
Fig. 13. Riyadh transport map. Source: RCRC.
Fig. 14. Pedestrians leaving the Al Sharkiya offices face significant barriers when attempting to cross the highway to reach bus stops on the opposite side of the road. Long walking distances between stops are exacerbated by the lack of crossings and pedestrian facilities. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
The challenges posed by urban sprawl and low population density are substantial—not only in Dammam but also in Riyadh and other Saudi cities. An efficient public transport network needs to be created alongside suitable urban planning. However, there is a growing commitment to transit-oriented development, focusing on creating urban areas centered around public transport hubs, in particular the metro and BRT.
As in all cities, addressing the "last mile" problem is critical to achieving a modal shift. This issue is particularly pressing in sprawling, car-centric cities with the harsh climate of Saudi Arabia.
Fig. 15. AlUla Valley mobility plan.
The tramway is a central component of the 360° mobility plan currently being developed by the Systra group. The aim is to connect AlUla’s three main districts—tourist sites in the north, the administrative district in the center, and the residential area in the south—as well as linking these areas to the airport. Beyond the tramway, which serves as the backbone of the system, the different parts of the valley will also be connected by a cycle path, a bus network with more detailed coverage, and autonomous shuttles to bridge the gaps between different modes of transport. During our visit, these shuttles, still in the testing phase, were operating on a limited route, connecting the pedestrianized old town to a park-and-ride facility approximately 500 meters away. In the long term, these shuttles (which may not end up being autonomous after all) are expected to facilitate access to the tramway and other key locations within the planned car-free zone.
Fig.16. The cycle path through the city and desert of AlUla. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
Fig. 17. Autonomous shuttle being tested at the AlUla Old Town site. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
Public transport usage has increased notably since the creation of a car-free zone, an initiative that Systra hopes to expand beyond the old city. If there is a significant reduction in car use, this would represent a groundbreaking shift for a country that has historically avoided directly challenging the dominance of automobiles. If successful, this restriction on cars would likely drive a greater adoption of alternative modes of transport, which are already diverse and expanding in AlUla.
Fig. 18. Valet parking service on a shopping street in Riyadh. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
Fig.19. Train along the Riyadh-Dammam line. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
After the destruction of the Hejaz Railway by Lawrence of Arabia during World War I, the first line to be constructed by Saudi Arabia connected Riyadh-East to Dammam. Its freight services began in 1951, followed by passenger services in 1981, serving four intermediate cities: Al Kharj, Haradh, Hofuf, and Abaquaiq. It is the kingdom's oldest operational line and remains its busiest, enabling many travelers to commute between peripheral cities and the two major hubs of Riyadh and Dammam.
Fig.20. Dammam railway station. Aniss Mezoued, 2024.
Riyadh East Station is situated near the city and will soon be connected to the orange metro line (see Riyadh network map, Fig. 13), enabling access via public transport—a feature currently unavailable. This improved intermodality, along with enhanced last-mile public transport options, is expected to encourage greater use of train travel to Dammam and intermediate cities. By contrast, the North Station, which serves as the terminus of the second group of lines between Riyadh and Gurayat (the North-South line), is located outside the city and is not connected to the metro network. In both cases, the train system is not designed for intercity travel that could serve smaller towns or additional stations within Riyadh or Dammam. Instead, the stations function as termini, located far from populated areas.
The third operational line in Saudi Arabia is the Al Haramain high-speed train, connecting the holy cities of Medina and Mecca via Jeddah, King Abdulaziz Airport, and King Abdullah Economic City. As its name indicates (Haramain, meaning "two holy cities"), the train primarily caters to pilgrims. It has dramatically reduced travel time between Medina and Mecca, slashing the journey time from five hours by car or bus to just two and a half hours.
Fig. 22. Public space in the center of AlUla.
In theory, public transport projects should foster proximity through the creation of public spaces within residential districts, and the development of transit-oriented districts, etc. During our discussions with researchers and stakeholders, the concept of proximity frequently arose as an essential element in transforming car-dominated Saudi cities. The "15-minute city" concept was mentioned multiple times, although always with an acknowledgment of the immense challenges of making it a reality in the current context.
As with public transport, there are significant hurdles to building "local cities", particularly urban sprawl and extreme weather conditions. Existing urban infrastructure is poorly suited to fostering proximity: many neighborhoods lack sidewalks, major roads are hazardous for pedestrians, fences or barriers often divide areas, and city blocks are designed to accommodate cars. Furthermore, streets are typically wide and unshaded, with minimal vegetation. Lowering temperatures on the streets and enabling active mobility during periods of intense heat are major challenges for urban planners.
According to Dr. Ezzat Al-Atroush, surveys conducted on a university campus indicate that high temperatures significantly discourage people from walking or using other active modes of transport. Cooling streets must therefore be a priority. Saudi Arabia has drawn upon experiments in Qatar with air-conditioned streets and heat-reflective surfaces, but Riyadh seems to be focusing on greening the city as a long-term solution. Under the Green Riyadh Project, the city plans to plant more than 7.5 million trees, greening streets, public squares, schoolyards, and public institution courtyards, as well as road and highway interchanges. A dedicated water recovery system at the neighborhood level is being developed to irrigate these trees sustainably. The program’s centerpiece is King Salman Park, a massive 16.6 km² green space - nearly five times the size of Central Park in New York - located on the site of Riyadh’s old airport in the heart of the city. Clearly this would be a powerful symbol!
Fig.23. Green Riyadh project exhibition.
The development and redevelopment of public spaces is becoming a key factor in fostering proximity, both in Saudi Arabia and globally. Here these spaces help to lower temperatures and mitigate climatic constraints while also providing the necessary infrastructure for active mobility. They are also essential as spatial foundations for these mobility solutions.
In Riyadh, however, the greening and redevelopment of public spaces are more often framed as initiatives to enhance quality of life rather than as measures to improve mobility. Active modes of transport are not widely viewed as viable alternatives to motorized travel but are instead perceived as recreational or sports activities – cycling in particular. One of the capital's landmark megaprojects is the Sports Boulevard, a 135-kilometer corridor spanning the entire city. As the name suggests, the project aims to increase physical activity, particularly cycling, but also cultural activity.
Fig. 24. Map of the Sports Boulevard under construction.
Some stakeholders, such as the Saudi Youth Society, think that the shift towards new mobility practices—as with the adoption of public transport—will come through experimentation. They believe that sport and its associated infrastructure can serve as a gateway to fostering interest in active modes, particularly cycling. This approach is evident not only in Riyadh but also in AlUla, where a 50-kilometer cycle path has been constructed along the valley and through the desert. The path connects the valley’s three main districts and even extends beyond the airport to the south. While AlUla’s climate is milder than Riyadh’s, summer temperatures still reach extreme levels. As a result, the path’s usability is significantly limited outside the city, as it is exposed to direct sunlight, with no vegetation or cooling systems to reduce temperatures.
Fig.25. Cycle path from AlUla to the southern districts.
Of the three cities visited, it is in Dammam where concepts of proximity and active mobility still remain in their infancy, despite numerous and relatively advanced projects. Notably, efforts to construct or rehabilitate entire neighborhoods are underway. The focus is on public transportation access, adopting the principles of the 15-minute city, and limiting car usage. Interesting ideas emerged during discussions with the Eastern Development Authority (Al Sharkiya). For example, the transformation of the city and oil industry has led to many pipelines being decommissioned, leaving empty servitude corridors that cut across the city. Al Sharkiya wants to repurpose these into corridors for pedestrians and cyclists, alongside the development of public and green spaces. This is a highly symbolic initiative in the home of Aramco!
However, in all three cities, active mobility infrastructure is primarily presented as a means to promote sports and leisure rather than offering functional transportation systems. An exception can be observed in AlUla, where we saw some workers using bicycles for practical purposes. AlUla’s 360° mobility plan envisions cycle paths as complementing public transport, but without densification or the installation of cooling systems, cycling is likely to remain limited to recreational and sports activities rather than daily commuting.
Elsewhere in the Kingdom, two cities stand out in terms of active mobility: Jeddah and Medina. Both cities demonstrate particular advantages, especially in terms of walkability. Jeddah has a rich tradition of pedestrianization in its historic Al-Balad district, and the Corniche is a several-kilometer-long waterfront promenade, popular with locals and designed entirely for leisure and free of motorized vehicles.
Fig. 26. Central lane reserved for active modes in Jeddah
Medina is making strides toward becoming a "human-scale city" by pedestrianizing many streets to improve the daily lives of both pilgrims and residents. A network of cycle paths has also been installed, along with self-service bicycles.
Fig.27. Signs for the “humanization” project of Medina’s city center streets, which includes pedestrianization and the creation of shared spaces along several central avenues.
Fig.28. Self-service bicycles near Uhud Mountain, a site of religious significance.
These numerous initiatives raise questions about the spread of global urban models, and their relevance in the Saudi context. While there is a clear global trend towards promoting active mobility and proximity, creating kilometers of cycle paths and pedestrian infrastructure to meet performance targets or to fit in with global trends will not suffice to establish sustainable active mobility practices in Saudi Arabia’s unique setting. The success of such initiatives depends on the integration of a fine-grained network that connects public spaces and active mobility infrastructure. This must be aided by urban planning efforts, including the reconfiguration of car-dominated urban forms and the diversification of activities in single-use neighborhoods. Simultaneously, creating an active mobility infrastructure must go hand in hand with greening public spaces and introducing cooling measures. Without these elements, the “last mile” problem will remain, particularly in a country with such an extreme climate. However, based on the projects we observed and the interviews we conducted, it seems that the question of how to integrate active modes into the overall mobility system, particularly to address the last mile, remains unresolved.
